The head of the Progressive Socialist Party, Walid Jumblatt, pointed out that he fought the electoral battle alone in the mountain, noting that "the nationalists in the mountain did not fail him." He considered that "Hezbollah" and its allies "have lost the majority, and the question now is how the majority will act after its formation?" Jumblatt called for "our response to be above regional and political affiliations."
In an interview with "Independent Arabia" evaluating the results of the Lebanese parliamentary elections, Jumblatt stated that he has "no problem" with some of the Druze base voting for the change-makers, emphasizing that "those who do not know how to adapt will lose," but questioned their program.
Jumblatt criticized the accusations of treason made by Hezbollah's parliamentary bloc leader, MP Mohammad Raad, against opponents, reiterating the call for the approval of a defensive strategy regarding the weapons of "Hezbollah" and the "resistance." He emphasized that "there is no reform without sovereignty."
In response to a question, Jumblatt said, "For 45 years, since I undertook my political mission on the day of Kamal Jumblatt's assassination on March 16, 1977, and now in 2022 with a few months' difference, I have not disappointed, and the nationalists in the mountain, and the Druze have not disappointed me, due to what the Progressive Socialist Party contributed during war and peace. They are the most loyal people."
He added: "To make things clear, it's true that in the past there was a national movement and Arab support, and then we allied with the Lebanese-Palestinian national coalition, but today the national movement is nonexistent, and there is no Lebanese-Palestinian national coalition. Back then, there was a lot of Syrian-Arab and Soviet dimensions. Today, I was alone, but just as we persevered in 1977 when they wanted to say 'the Jumblatt family is over along with the Druze,' the same thing politically happened, and we persisted, and the voice of the mountain was decisive."
Regarding whether what he termed political assassination and attempts at elimination by Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran have ended with the election results, Jumblatt viewed that "Hezbollah and its allies have lost the majority, and the question now is how will the majority act, once formed? In our ranks, there are different evaluations, and we should not be intoxicated by victory, and we must be careful to ensure our response is unified and rational above regional and party affiliations of any kind. I cannot speak (on behalf) of those who dropped the Iranian-Syrian axis majority, including the revolutionaries, civil society, and parties like (the Forces), and independents. It is necessary to know their program."
He continued, "How difficult is political life today in Lebanon when you see a venerable city like Beirut somewhat marginalized, and Tripoli collapsing, contrary to their national and Arab histories?"
In response to a question, Jumblatt said, "I had contacted Saad Hariri about a month and a half prior to the elections, and I told him that we were on the verge of another political assassination in Mukhtara, and I asked for assistance. Frankly, even if I understand Saad Hariri's circumstances in retreating, I didn't get a clear response."
On Hariri's perception that the elections proved his decision was correct because they allowed the emergence of change-makers and youth, Jumblatt replied: "I absolutely disagree with this view. I do not want to comment to avoid entering into a dispute, and I will maintain my personal friendship with Saad Hariri. The change-makers came 'without a favor from anyone,' and I have not yet seen all the results and the political map of their presence, from the Shouf region to the south and all Lebanese areas."
Regarding accusations against his party and others of receiving support from Western and Arab countries, including Gulf states, Jumblatt affirmed: "Yes. Saudi Arabia stood with us politically. What's the problem? On the 50th anniversary of the Al-Irfan school on May 7, in front of a crowd of 20,000 to 30,000 mostly from the Druze community, there was Arab presence, Saudi, Kuwaiti, Egyptian, Qatari, and Omani. What's wrong with that? It's as if this is a secret. We are Arabs in identity and belonging. Who protects the other side? Iran and Syria. As for some diversity from the uprising or civil society, it is not my place to evaluate them while awaiting their program, and finally, I haven't heard of Western support."
About media reports regarding his party's failure to vote for the consensual Druze candidate (on Hezbollah's and Amal's list in the third district of the South) despite an agreement with President Nabih Berri, Jumblatt responded: "We adhered to 25% of the votes. Yes, but I understand that the remaining comrades and supporters did not adhere for a simple reason, which is that the repercussions of the Shouya incident are still present. Additionally, they do not want to vote each time for a consensus candidate. Thus, there are also winds of change in the Druze milieu, as well as in the Shia and non-Shia contexts. I also have to study these changing winds."
When asked if he was surprised by the change winds gaining 14-15 seats in the elections, he confirmed he was not surprised, "At the same time, I was among those who asked what is the political program of these people, other than the slogan 'everyone means everyone?' If their program is a tune of betrayal of the ruling system, we were not the main key in the ruling system, which was controlled by others. We were one of the minorities in this system. Some who succeeded through the change-makers had their whole history in the ruling system."
He added: "I had started the change movement three years ago, but the wave of (COVID) and the economic collapse came, and I could not complete the path. With Taymour, we will continue the journey and pursue the process of change and renewal within the Socialist Party."
In response to whether he sees the voting by the Druze base for the change-makers as a warning to traditional and familial leaderships, Jumblatt replied: "I have no problem with that, and the person who does not know how to adapt will lose. You describe me as traditional, and I am indeed traditional by lineage, but I believe that throughout my life, I have been a rebel and have rejected this political system, just like Kamal Jumblatt. With this new wave, I must deal with myself and the party, meaning completing the internal reform and establishing new organizational and intellectual foundations for work, in collaboration with Taymour."
Regarding alliances with the Lebanese Forces, the Kataeb, and other parties, Jumblatt clarified: "We were on the same list and the same slogan, but in the exchange of votes, each party voted for itself, due to the voting law they call proportional, while it is sectarian to the utmost degree. Initially, there is no cooperation with the Kataeb because Mr. Sami Gemayel considers himself one of the revolutionaries and not part of the ruling system; this is strange. Political discourse needs to be rationalized so that we do not enter regional and sectarian affiliations, and we need to lay broad foundations for the new majority team."
As for the prospects for cooperation with the change-makers, he stated that the answer "is not with us because they remain on their slogan of 'everyone means everyone.'" He indicated that cooperation in parliament's response lies with the "Democratic Gathering" bloc. As for the Socialist Party and the Democratic Gathering, he noted that the elections ended yesterday, and the important thing, away from events and celebrations, is to affirm reform starting from the electricity sector to capital control to restructuring the banking sector and supporting the army and security forces. In this context, there is no reform without sovereignty."
Regarding the affirmation that the Democratic Gathering bloc has returned to play a pivotal role in parliament, Jumblatt deemed "this term silly and incorrect, as they want to place responsibility for everything on the Democratic Gathering to absolve the main parties of their responsibilities."
Jumblatt described his son Taymour's position when he said, "They want to eliminate us, and we want partnership" as "excellent," querying: "Do they really want partnership, and based on what principles? I speak now as an observer. The second question is how do we approach the resistance audience? Some leaders of this audience, leaving Nabih Berri aside, always and forever live in a conspiracy atmosphere. The reactions to this atmosphere began with Mohammad Raad's words of betrayal, accusing us of Zionism and embassies, and so on. They have not absorbed the importance of respecting the opinion of others among the Lebanese, away from the customary rhetoric of betrayal that parties aligned with totalitarian systems resort to."
On the issue of border demarcation with Syria, Jumblatt believed that "they have not absorbed the necessity of demarcating the borders with Syria to affirm two matters: Either Shebaa Farms are Lebanese, and I reject that because even Bashar Assad reminded us in a statement of his in 2011, through a letter from former American official Frederick Hof, that Shebaa Farms are Syrian. In any case, historically, when the south was completely liberated in 2000, new Lebanese-Syrian maps were issued, which I opposed. These maps claimed that part of Shebaa Farms and Kfarshouba hills were Lebanese, and these maps granted us space within Syria, reaching Wadi al-Asal, which we did not own, and are not under Resolution 425 and 426, but under Resolution 242 (issued in 1967 regarding Israel's withdrawal from occupied Arab territories).
To remind, we all agreed in the national dialogue authority in 2006 in parliament with Hassan Nasrallah, chaired by President Berri, in the presence of Samir Geagea, Saad Hariri, Amin Gemayel, and other political leaders, to demand of the Syrian leadership to demarcate the borders. Hassan Nasrallah objected in form, saying: Do not ask Bashar Assad for the word demarcation, but ask for the word determination. And of course, this matter was not implemented. Furthermore, the Resolution 1701, which was later issued after the July aggression, did not consider Shebaa Farms Lebanese. As long as there is no demarcation between Lebanon and Syria and informing the United Nations of its maps, these farms remain under Resolution 242."
He explained that the second matter relates to ending the theatrics of maritime border demarcation, where at one moment we say it's on line 29, and at another, we return to line 23, and maybe later the line will retreat towards the outskirts of Sidon, all to please Gebran Bassil, who will do anything to lift US sanctions against him, and will perform all possible political maneuvers to achieve this goal at the expense of Lebanon's sovereignty and its resources."
Regarding the defense strategy, Jumblatt asserted: "There is no alternative to dialogue always," and in response to MP Mohammad Raad saying, "We accept you as opponents in parliament, but we do not accept you as shields against Israel or for civil war... Do not miscalculate," Jumblatt flatly rejected this stance, questioning: "Hasn't Mr. Mohammad Raad realized that we only want the state and its control? Even Sayyed Nasrallah, in speeches before the elections, indicated that they are ready to discuss the defense strategy. We do not want to discuss it; rather, we want it approved in cooperation with him. He alluded to the fact that they are not a substitute for the state, which is excellent, and he must prove this in words and actions."
Jumblatt deemed that "the only technocrat in the current government is Minister of Education Abbas Halabi, who succeeded in his ministry, and the technocrat experience is very good, except for the experience of Minister George Kordahi and some of his colleagues."
Commenting on the words of the head of the Free Patriotic Movement, MP Gebran Bassil, "Bye-bye technocrat government because there is a popular mandate resulting from the elections," Jumblatt stated: "If it starts with this type of talk, it means that they continue the systematic destruction of the Lebanese economy and institutions. There has never been, in the country's history, not even during the peak of civil wars, from 1975 to 1982, the economic and institutional collapse as seen during Michel Aoun's era and some of his aides."
On fears in the political sphere of an Iraqi scenario, Jumblatt said: "Why should we compare ourselves to Iraq, which is on Iran's borders, which does not respect Iraq's sovereignty and resources, from water and oil to electricity, and completely exploits it? Iraq, which was called the land of black, now lacks water. The difference between Iraq and Lebanon is that there are nearly 1,000 armed organizations here, while here, thank God, we still have only one armed organization, which is Hezbollah. He confirmed that only the state protects Lebanon."
Jumblatt left the decision on voting for President Nabih Berri for the presidency of parliament to the decision of the "Democratic Gathering," saying: "I will suffice with giving advice."
Regarding President Berri's statement that the equation of "the army, the people, and the resistance" is what guarantees Lebanon's protection from Israel, Jumblatt argued: "This equation has led us to a dead end and this duality. We cannot continue under the slogan of army, people, and resistance." He viewed that the alternative is "a state of resistance, and in the end, the state has tools for resistance. How? A mechanism must be established between the state and the party on how to unify arms under the command of the Lebanese state; therefore, there must be practical translation for the defense strategy. The people have been exhausted. In this context, the party attempted amid the gasoline crisis to procure for the Lebanese 3-4 vessels from Iran, which had no effect. Can the party and its allies ensure the resilience of all Lebanese people with an open borders policy? This is Baalbek-Hermel, where a dissenting voice has been raised. Is it against Hezbollah? No, this citizen said enough."
Jumblatt emphasized that "there is no solution to the economic crisis except by agreement with the International Monetary Fund and accepting very difficult solutions, including the capital control law, but Lebanese banks issued a statement rejecting it, and we have heard, and I may be wrong, that central political parties, and of course the Socialist Party is not one of them, also rejected it. This means that banks, unfortunately, govern most of the political game. Therefore, the majority of deputies flee from voting, and the government has not perhaps for technical reasons and with the upcoming elections or due to some complicity within it with banks, anything is possible."
Regarding Nasrallah's warning that he will send drones over the ship that will explore gas in the Israeli Karish field, and Berri's remark that the resistance protects Lebanon's rights to wealth in the sea, Jumblatt remarked: "We were on the verge of reaching a solution to demarcate maritime borders with Israel under the auspices of the United Nations, an issue that President Berri has worked on for ten years, which addresses the 860 square kilometers area within line 23. Then calls were issued demanding line 29, and the wealth remained suspended."
Jumblatt believed that "the theory of the strong president has destroyed Lebanon and drained the Maronite sect and everyone along with it. Some do not see how damaging this theory is on all levels. In the end, this is the president of all Lebanon, and he should be a strong Lebanese, not sectarian. The same applies to everyone."
Regarding the impression that regional conditions from Vienna negotiations to Iranian-Saudi dialogues are what will lead the country toward a solution, Jumblatt asked: "Should we wait for Vienna to reform the electricity sector? Is establishing the transparent regulatory authority for electricity related to Vienna talks? As well as capital control? For example, regarding sovereignty over borders, exports, and imports, we have not been able to put a scanner to operate in the port of Beirut or at the border with Syria. And does Captagon smuggling relate to Vienna?"
He reminded that he called for the legalization of cannabis cultivation "as is done in Turkey. It is known that it can be beneficial for medical production, and it is legalized in some Western countries, and here I emphasize the importance of wheat cultivation, as it seems that the whole world is threatened by a famine crisis due to climate change and the war in Ukraine, but we have turned to Captagon... this terrible material that before hitting what they think is some Arab societies, strikes Lebanese society in all areas.
If we are going to postpone everything until Vienna is over, and if some want to place conditions on the government, we will return to a dangerous indicator. The dollar is more than 30,000 liras, indicating that the central bank will continue this artificial support for what remains of the Lebanese pound at the expense of people's deposits, and when reserves are exhausted, without serious treatment through reform, someone will say: Let's borrow against the gold we have a portion of in Lebanon, which is our last reserve."
Jumblatt expressed "a note about some senior advisors, who previously, when discussing the salary scale in the public sector, misestimated the number of employees, not by hundreds but by thousands, which was one of the reasons that led us to disaster."
He added: "I am astonished by the Prime Minister's rejection to establish a sovereign fund within the recovery plan, despite the fact that the Lebanese state, with its assets, is rich if well-managed and invested, but at the height of the political and dollar crises, we find that a contract was made by mutual consent to assign the container terminal at the port of Beirut, and I will not comment further, but it was the cheapest contract by mutual agreement in the world for the most important ports in the eastern Mediterranean, after the ports of Tel Aviv and Ashdod."
