Yesterday, the Free Patriotic Movement failed to obstruct the government session, especially as it sought to deprive it of a quorum by not participating with nine ministers affiliated with it. Ministers from Hezbollah accused them of contributing to the holding of the wholly rejected session, while insiders claim that the entire issue, raised under the auspices of exceptional and necessary titles, falls within the scope of the continuous postponement of the presidential elections, awaiting the maturation of an external settlement.
Thus, the winds did not favor Deputy Gibran Bassil, as some say that caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati acted with a spirit of defiance against Bassil, bolstered by the party's surplus power. It was agreed during one of the parliamentary sessions regarding the presidential vacuum that there would be no invitation to a ministerial session until an agreement with all major political parties on its agenda was reached to avoid an unproductive political struggle that would lead the country into an unprecedented situation in Lebanese national life.
In this context, informed sources told "Akhbar Al-Yawm" agency about several options for the Free Patriotic Movement, including no longer adhering to the blank paper regarding the presidential entitlement, which would respond with "two slaps" to its ally "the party" at the appropriate time. A prime example of the bad relationship between the two sides is what the deputy of the "Strong Lebanon" bloc, Asaad Dergham, said: "One of the most contentious points with Hezbollah since the Mar Mikhael agreement until now is what happened yesterday in the government session, indicating that the relationship with them needs revitalization."
Data indicates that the occurrence of the government meeting showed remarkable solidarity from the Forces party with the position of the "movement," considering that the session was "suspicious" and not exceptional or urgent, particularly due to the massive number of items on the agenda.
In light of this, there are questions about whether the two teams - the Forces and the Movement - will converge on a unified presidential candidate. Although this hypothesis remains distant, if winds of regional settlement blow towards the leader of the Marada Movement, Sleiman Frangieh, who is categorically rejected by the two largest Christian blocs, this may push both the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement to engage with complete flexibility, and they could head towards supporting Army Commander General Joseph Aoun for the presidency.
