A year of changes? A year of open endings filled with unknown possibilities? A year of deepening collapse and deliberately undermining the people? A year of patching up instead of seeking root solutions? A year of ridiculous political conflicts at the expense of institutions and the state's prestige? All these descriptors are accurate for a year that prepares to fade for a nation that has turned its days into flames of overlapping crises that have not found their way to the end of the dark tunnel. There’s nothing to suggest they will be set on the path to resolution, as the complete separation between the people and those who are supposed to be responsible for their lives and public affairs remains firmly established. The presidential and governmental conflict rages intensely while we are truly in the hell promised to us by senior leaders, paying the price for practices unrelated to us but also the cost of the choices many voters opted for, prolonging the political class’s life instead of riding the change train at the ballot box.
As the last page of the 2022 calendar is torn, Lebanon bids farewell to the third year of the most devastating economic crisis affecting its people, their resources, and their life savings, which undoubtedly includes a significant political dimension. Saad Hariri, the leader of the Future Movement, may be one of the most aware of this equation and its correctness, more than two years after the revolution and the explosion of the Beirut port. After initially responding to popular cries by resigning his government following the 2019 uprising and abstaining from forming a government under pressure from the presidential duo of Michel Aoun and Gibran Bassil, President Hariri made a bold and rare decision on January 24, 2022, to suspend his political work until further notice, simultaneously announcing his boycott of the parliamentary elections that were eventually held in May.
Thus, the blue leader withdrew from the political scene, returning to the business world in the United Arab Emirates. More importantly, he left the Sunni community without leadership to face the electoral competitions alone after 17 years since the assassination of President Rafik Hariri. However, no one doubts that nature abhors a vacuum. Accordingly, the pre-election period witnessed a return of several Sunni figures to the forefront, particularly since Hariri's decision prompted all former prime ministers to refrain from entering the electoral battles, though this did not mean a complete absence from the electoral kitchens. Evidence of this is that former Prime Minister Fouad Siniora strongly supported a list in the Beirut II district, with efforts coordinated and backed by the Saudi ambassador in Beirut, Walid Bukhari, who led a political movement with many Sunni figures. This movement was considered the first sign of the Saudi return to Beirut after years of political drought. However, it did not fulfill either of its purposes, as the vast majority of Sunnis boycotted the election. Nonetheless, this does not negate that a nostalgic sentiment for the era of Harirism led some Future Movement deputies back to parliament outside of the blue cloak, while the revolution and its candidates capitalized on Sunni frustration to achieve significant gains in the Beirut II district, the primary stronghold of Hariri and his movement.
Similarly, in a manner reminiscent of "the misfortunes of one are benefits to another," the absence of the Future Movement served the candidates of the revolution, who carried the change banner against the "everyone means everyone" system in the Chouf-Aley district, a fortified Jumblattian stronghold. Here, the revolution recorded three breaches, partly aided by the Jumblattian dome. As for the other change-oriented deputies, they came from Beirut I and the North III district (Zgharta, Bsharri, Koura, Batroun), which has a significant Christian majority, where the most prominent natural presidential candidates competed, led by Samir Geagea, head of the Lebanese Forces, his main adversary, Gibran Bassil, head of the Free Patriotic Movement, in addition to the perennial presidential candidate, Suleiman Frangieh, knowing that he was the first to pay the price for the famous presidential settlement in 2016.
After six years, the northern leader suffered a significant defeat, as he could only manage to send one candidate from his district to the parliamentary assembly (his son Tony Frangieh), while change deputy Michel Douei surprised by breaking into the fortified Frangieh stronghold, with traditional rival Michel Moawad retaining his parliamentary seat. Frangieh was not alone in facing losses "on his turf." His historical adversary, Samir Geagea, lost the monopoly on political representation in Bsharri, due to the victory of deputy William Tawk from Frangieh's list in the elections. In contrast, the Free Patriotic Movement recorded significant losses, as Baabda and the Kesrouan district were now represented by only one deputy (Alan Aoun and Nada Bustani), knowing that Bassil himself struggled to succeed in the electoral battle, finishing second in Batroun, indicating the declining popularity of the Free Patriotic Movement amid widespread public outrage against the Aounian reign, which a large segment of the population believes has failed to meet the aspirations and expectations during a term in which the president hastened to brand himself as strong under the slogan of restoring Christian rights and presence in the corridors of official decision-making.
However, everything that happened in the past three years seemed to be among the least concerns of the key figures of the reign, who continued with the "they didn't let us" policy to justify their abysmal failure on various levels, preferring to throw the blame on enemies and allies alike. This is indicated by the deteriorating relationship between the Free Patriotic Movement and Hezbollah, which has reached its lowest levels since the signing of the Mar Mikhael Agreement, as Bassil accused the party of not meeting him halfway in the war on corruption, just as it abandoned him when he opposed the return of Prime Minister Najib Mikati to government after the elections. Nevertheless, the Christian veto from the side of the Free Patriotic Movement and the Lebanese Forces (who claim they emerged from the elections with the largest Christian parliamentary bloc), the Kataeb party, and several independents did not prevent the southern suburbs from achieving its goal of tasking Mikati to form a government that was not brought to light before the end of President Michel Aoun's term. This is because between June, the date of the assignment, and the end of the presidential term on October 31, political conflict intensified between Mikati and the Aoun-Bassil duo, hindering the establishment of the government, prompting Mikati to shift to the caretaker's side while waiting for a successor to the general.
Amid the intense political struggle alongside an unprecedented economic collapse, Aoun departed Baabda Palace in front of his supporters, who were the only ones accompanying him publicly, while many Lebanese expressed a sort of happiness at the end of a term that failed to meet the aspirations of Lebanese witnesses as their savings evaporated before their eyes. While people awaited a speech to correct some mistakes, the president delivered a speech that, as usual, tossed the ball of failure back into the court of the usual presidential rivals and potential presidential candidates, including the governor of the central bank, Riad Salameh, and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council, Souheil Aboud.
There is no doubt that placing both men in confrontation with the presidency and those in charge made them part of the political spotlight and debate. The judiciary experienced significant unrest last year, marked by judges going on strike, a rare step forced by the terrifying collapse of the Lebanese pound and the deterioration of salaries' value. This was not the only shock, as Judge Ghada Aoun (aligned with the Free Patriotic Movement) repeated the phenomenon of storming the central bank in search of Salameh, who is accused by Judge Aoun and her political team of illicit enrichment and contributing to the collapse that has not moved the public. However, all of her attempts have thus far failed, noting that the governor's term ends in a few months. Herein lies the danger of prolonging the presidential vacuum.
Before delving into the maze of the presidential vacuum, which all indications show will be prolonged, it is necessary to shed light on a much-anticipated evolution regarding a long-term calm on the southern front. After more than a decade of establishing the framework agreement for demarcating borders between Lebanon and the Israeli enemy, American mediation between Beirut and Tel Aviv bore a new agreement for boundary delineation after painstaking negotiations led by the American envoy (an Israeli Jew) Amos Hochstein, noting that many media reports intersected at the point that the man served in the Israeli army. While the powerful reign rushed to capitalize on this happy ending and consider it an achievement capable of buoying the reign and rescuing it from popular decline, the agreement nearly triggered a political crisis in Israel, as the new Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed his opposition to the step, confirming that it obligates his government to nothing.
In Lebanon, interpretations varied between those who saw the agreement as a significant gain for Lebanon, which needs any oil salvation, and those who felt it included many concessions that do not serve the homeland of the cedars, especially as Tel Aviv began oil extraction operations from the Karish field while Lebanon obtained the Qana field, which there is no confirmation that it contains the oil wealth that the people dream of. However, it is certain that Cedar Land will not be able to benefit from oil revenues for at least seven years.
Amid the two perspectives, voices rose arguing that signing the agreement constitutes an acknowledgment of the existence of the Israeli state, negating Hezbollah's justification to retain its arms for "resisting" the Israeli enemy, which has now become a party in a political agreement with Lebanon. Hezbollah paid no heed to these demands. For the party, the battle lay elsewhere: in imposing the re-appointment of Prime Minister Najib Mikati, despite opposition from the orange ally. However, what matters most lies elsewhere: Haret Hreik (Hezbollah's stronghold) went far in confronting Bassil, to the extent of supporting Suleiman Frangieh for the presidency, at the expense of the leader of the movement, who claims to lead a large parliamentary bloc, making him a "natural" candidate to succeed his uncle President Michel Aoun. This position has inevitably strained the relationship between Frangieh and Bassil, after the Secretary-General of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, failed to soothe the tensions between the two at an iftar gathering in April.
Since the party excels at playing both sides, it hesitated to reveal its presidential candidate, preferring to retreat into the background by casting blank votes in the presidential election sessions, which have now reached number 10 without any significant breaches recorded. Alongside the "blank" voting, the party plays the card of withdrawing from presidential sessions and obstructing the quorum in the second round, waiting for a broad consensus on the name of the next president. However, many opposing forces understood the message well: for the Lebanese Forces, the Kataeb, the Progressive Socialist Party, several independents, and the revolution deputies, Hezbollah appears to be betting on time to weaken its opponents and impose its presidential will again. Therefore, it was necessary to turn to confrontation, by supporting whom these forces label as a "sovereign reformist candidate" – deputy Michel Moawad, who has so far achieved decent results. However, this choice revealed some flaws within the opposing forces, particularly among the revolution deputies who refused to support this option for various reasons, contributing to the dissolution of their coalition. The result seemed natural due to significant differences in perspectives among these deputies, explaining the significant political losses they recorded since their entry into parliament, particularly concerning the election of the deputy speaker of parliament, a position seized by the Aounist candidate Elias Bou Saab, who, despite the orange political clash with Nabih Berri, played a significant role in the border demarcation file.
While awaiting clarity on the presidential picture, there is no indication that Speaker Nabih Berri's call for dialogue will find its way after it was hit by deadly Aounist and Forces bullets. The country is moving towards hell in its economic and financial path, amidst the terrifying collapse in the value of the Lebanese pound, forcing the central bank to resort dangerously to the reserve to curb the decline when it approaches the psychological red lines like the threshold of 50,000 pounds to the dollar, in steps that place the people at the mercy of smuggled gasoline mafias to Syria without a single official flinch among the responsible individuals, and the shortage of medicines, and traders of wheat and flour who are consumed by greed and hunger for profit. All this occurs while daily declarations are made about fighting corruption and the corrupt, without actions to back these words, knowing that they are in a position of power. However, objectivity necessitates recognizing that significant arrests have been recently recorded in the "mechanics department," where the director of the traffic department, Huda Saloum, is behind bars along with several employees from the property registration offices in Baabda. Nevertheless, this remains inadequate to put a stop to this phenomenon for which we are paying the price with our lives, ages, and hard-earned savings.
The numerous crises that Lebanon experienced in 2022 did not prevent some points of light from shining in the dark tunnel, the most notable being the victory of the Mayas dance troupe in the American version of the global show America's Got Talent, following weeks after the Lebanese men's basketball team achieved the remarkable feat of reaching the finals of the Asia Basketball Championship. While the team lost the match against Australia, the outstanding Wael Arakji earned the title of best player in Asia.
Additionally, the past year saw the return of summer festivals after a three-year absence due to COVID-19 and its restrictions, as well as the return of the Miss Lebanon competition, after four years since the last beauty pageant. As a result of the competitions, young Yasmina Zeitoun from the South won the title, succeeding Maya Raad, who held the crown since 2018.
Since joy has become a rare currency in this Republic of Failure we inhabit, one must shed light on a love story that warmed people's hearts, having truly germinated "from the womb of sorrows." While the political system was persistently obstructing the judicial investigation into the Beirut port explosion, the heart of William Noon, brother of martyr Joe Noon, and a brave young man unafraid of confronting political professionals and their alleys, beat for young Maria Fares, sister of the martyr Sahar Fares (who fell alongside her colleague Joe in the line of duty as a firefighting brigade rushed to extinguish the fire that resulted from the first explosion that rocked the port on that fateful day). Two weeks ago, the "lovebird" announced their engagement, a piece of news that brought joy to all Lebanese after two years of catastrophe.
On the flip side, 2022 was marked by heavy farewells, as sudden death claimed businessman Michel Maktouf, after more than a year of raids executed by Judge Ghada Aoun against his company's offices specializing in money transfers, raising speculation that the death was the result of the psychological pressure caused by the shutdown of the company under seal for an entire year. Politically, Lebanon bid farewell to several former deputies whose names were once brilliant at a time when politics was a true synonym for the struggle for public good. This is the case for former deputies Kamil Ziyadah, Pierre Dakach, and Salah Al-Hareb, alongside former nationalist deputy Ghassan Ashkar (brother of actress and theater director Nidal Ashkar). As the year drew to a close, it also marked the passing of Mrs. Shadia Toueni, widow of the late dean of Lebanese journalism, politics, and diplomacy, Ghassan Toueni, who is universally acknowledged as his second wife (sister of former minister Wadi Khazen) who fell to cancer and breathed life into him after the tragic events that marked his family journey, one that saw him bid farewell to family members one by one until his sorrowful heart finally stilled nearly a decade ago.
Moreover, Lebanon lost in the height of 2022 one of its most prominent doctors, Professor Roy Nasnas, whose television appearances during the home quarantine period due to COVID-19 will certainly remain in people's memories. He, however, did not know winning the war against the pandemic would not prevent cancer from ravaging his frail body and depriving him of a life he cherished deeply, leaving his name engraved in the collective memory of the Lebanese people.
However, the most significant losses in Lebanon during the past year were undoubtedly artistic. The Lebanese theater curtain fell weeks ago on a creative journey penned by the joyful and musical hands of the great Romeo Lahoud, whose big heart finally ceased on the eve of Independence Day, weeks after the passing of the great cinematic actor Shouky Metta (who returned to the small screen through the series "Aasr Al-Hareem" by writer Mona Tayek in the role of "Safi," which he presented harmoniously alongside actress Hayam Abu Shaheed). Before this setback, comedic actor Pierre Chamioun also fell from the saddle of his art that made millions laugh both on stage and in local series.
As the curse spares no one, Lebanon bid farewell to the exceptional actor Ghassan Estefan, whose astonishing voice silenced as he spent his final years away from the camera, just like actor Fadi Metri, who returned from the lights of French cinema to local drama screens a decade ago, playing the Turkish leader "Rustam Effendi" in the series "And the Sun Shone," one of Mona Tayek's best works as well. On Friday, cancer triumphed over Metri the actor, just as it defeated artist Sami Clark, who boasted the most famous songs accompanying the Lebanese during the years of hardship. Moreover, Lebanese music lost its brilliant contemporary name, composer Ihsan Al-Mundhir, who stands behind the beautiful gifts of artist Majida El Roumi, such as the masterpiece "No One Can Fill Your Place in My Heart." Yet, El Roumi took a remarkable humanitarian initiative by rehabilitating the Masnaa border road, where a horrific traffic accident claimed the life of singer George Al-Rassi in a scene reminiscent of actor Issam Breidy's similar fate seven years prior.
