During his fourth visit to the Middle East in two months, following nearly four months of the bloody Gaza war, British Lord David Cameron has made it clear he is considering recognizing a Palestinian state. The British Foreign Secretary acknowledges the failures of the Oslo Agreement and emphasizes the need to change the political reality preceding October 7, concluding that there is no solution without a two-state solution. In a special interview with "An-Nahar" during his quick visit to Beirut yesterday, he outlined his vision and the need for a renewed Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Gaza. The fate of Hamas remains unclear in this approach. While Cameron expresses optimism about the proposed ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, he stresses the need not to waste time during the ceasefire to advance political efforts. According to Cameron, a ceasefire in Gaza or any sustainable truce does not negate the need to keep Hezbollah away from the borders to the north of the Litani River and for the Lebanese army to take on a larger role.
Here is the dialogue:
- **There is a race between a political solution and escalation between Hezbollah and Israel. What do you see?**
I think we need to stop the escalation and look for an alternative. A good alternative involves implementing Resolution 1701, which means moving Hezbollah's forces north of the Litani River, properly demarcating the blue line on the border, and enhancing the training and utilization of the Lebanese army for more border patrols. I believe that if we bring these factors together cautiously, we can establish a path to peace and stability instead of war. But we need to act quickly.
- **Are there opportunities for reaching diplomatic solutions?**
I think there is a good chance. Because, according to what I've been told, Hezbollah does not want to escalate the war, and neither does Israel. But what you hear from the Israelis is that between 80,000 to 100,000 people have had to flee their homes in northern Israel, and they need to return home, which requires more security. I am sure the people in Lebanon would say the same thing. So, there is a need for this diplomacy, and there is a need for movement from Hezbollah and the Lebanese army, along with strengthening the UNIFIL forces. All of these aspects are necessary, so I think it is important to come and listen to others, as I was doing today with the Prime Minister and the Commander of the Lebanese Army, to hear what they believe is necessary, and then friends of Lebanon, like the United Kingdom, should help address these matters.
- **And what was your direct message to the Lebanese officials in this regard?**
Well, my direct message to the Lebanese officials, the Prime Minister, and the Speaker of Parliament was that Britain wants to help. If you look back 10 years when I was Prime Minister, we began the training program with the Lebanese army, where we developed border battalions, and it was an incredibly successful operation. We trained 26,500 soldiers from the Lebanese army, and we are proud of what we did. They did a great job at the Syrian border, stopping drug trafficking, human smuggling, and the encroachment of ISIS that could have happened after the caliphate was established in Syria and Iraq. They did a great job. I think part of what is required of them is to play a bigger role in southern Lebanon, distancing Hezbollah from the border. So I was here to ask: How can we help? Is there more we can do? We are a willing partner in this.
- **Do you think a ceasefire in Gaza could convince Israel to freeze its demand for Hezbollah to retreat a few kilometers from the northern border?**
I believe a ceasefire in Gaza would be very good if we have a truce, which we are discussing now, to allow for the release of hostages and to bring in aid. We are trying to transform this truce into a sustainable ceasefire, which would be very positive. Will that automatically change everything here? It provides a greater opportunity for diplomacy, but I still believe that for stability and security, we will need Hezbollah to be distanced from the borders because currently, families in northern Israel cannot return home, and it is also difficult for families in southern Lebanon to return to their villages. Therefore, what we need is a more stable border with Hezbollah moving away and the Lebanese army taking on more responsibility at the border, which I think would represent a more stable situation.
- **What factors lead you to believe that a political solution is still possible between Israelis and Palestinians after years of failures from the Oslo Agreement?**
The question remains fundamentally the same. How can two groups of people share the land within a two-state solution, living side by side? The question persists. And I think the reason it has become more urgent is that we can see the last thirty years, the years following Oslo, have not been successful years. They have not been really successful for Israel. Of course, its economy has grown, standards of living improved, and it has spent a lot on security, but fundamentally it has not enjoyed true security that comes from having its own state with neighbors who also have their own state. And clearly, for the Palestinians, they have not been able to achieve their aspirations for dignity and a safe state. If we look back at 30 years and ask ourselves: Do we want the next thirty years to look like the past thirty? The answer is: No, we don't want that; we don’t want to return to the situation that existed before October 7, and we need to find a new way forward to achieve real peace and stability. So the question hasn't changed, but the urgency of answering it has.
- **But what form should the Palestinian state take, and what role should the Palestinian Authority play?**
I think we need, first and foremost, a sustainable ceasefire, and then the solution can begin. I believe that part of that solution is for the Palestinian Authority to come forward with a renewed government, perhaps a more technocratic government with new figures and fresh faces capable of working in both Gaza and the West Bank. That needs to change. As for the shape of the Palestinian state, that is something we should start discussing, and Arab nations, as well as countries that have an active role in helping, like Britain, France, and the United States, should ask: How can we create momentum toward this solution? Israelis will say they want to change aspects of the state and do not want a large Palestinian army or for the Palestinian state to have alliances with countries like Iran, but we should focus on what the Palestinian state can possess and build from there rather than asking what it cannot have.
- **Is the timing of your approach related to the potential ceasefire proposal between Israel and Hamas?**
I have visited nine Arab countries over the past two months and have visited the region three times thus far, so my approach is ongoing. My visit is not tied to any one issue, but my presence here today, I hope, contributes to efforts towards a truce in the fighting, which may happen in the coming days. I am optimistic. I think the closer we get to that, the more important it becomes to start trying to resolve other issues. Therefore, the matter of the Lebanese-Israeli border, the presence of Hezbollah, and the need to train the Lebanese army, along with the requirement to resolve border disputes, become more significant. What we do not want is for a ceasefire in Gaza to happen without acting on these issues. When the ceasefire occurs, our efforts should focus on trying to resolve all problems to create momentum and to show people that there is a pursuit of peace, not war.
