The story has ended; some reckless youth, infused with racial ideology from Turkish opposition rhetoric, attacked some properties of Syrians in the state of Kayseri due to an incident of harassment, and that was the end of it. It is true that it extended to some Turkish states, such as Gaziantep, Hatay, and Antakya, but this expansion was fueled by fake accounts on social media, which were uncovered and the instigators were arrested, and that was the end of it. It is also true that protests against the violation of the rights and properties of Syrians reached northwestern Syria “liberated” areas, but this expansion came about due to the infiltration of radicals, terrorists, and enemies of both the Syrian and Turkish people, who incited and insulted Turkey and its symbols, and they and their backers were uncovered, and that was the end of it. I believe that superficial views like these, if not shallow, do not seek to address the root of the problem, but rather play for time and try to shield the sunlight with a sieve, sometimes with temporary remedies and emotions, and other times through slogans, mixing, and fear-mongering. Simply put, the problem has been present and growing for years, and silence or attempts to circumvent it by dressing it in conspiratorial garb or blaming its causes on the outside is a desperate attempt to bury the embers that glow beneath a weak ash, which will ignite whenever the winds of racism blow or the signs of rapprochement with Bashar al-Assad’s regime appear, or when around eight million Syrians in Turkey and northern Syria feel they are a deal or a card sold to their murderer, after all the sacrifices, hopes, and promises made by supporters to the migrants over thirteen years, experienced by over three million Syrian refugees in Turkey, transitioning from "who are you, our brothers" to "you are the cause of our plight."
Here are points that must be addressed, even briefly, so that the statement is fair and does not portray Syrians as ingrates, denying all that Turkey has provided them over the years of their displacement and asylum. The first point is that Turkey deserves appreciation for all it has done, hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees and providing free services, primarily in health and education, in addition to some financial aid that came through international assistance. Indeed, Syrians enjoyed treatment envied by their refugee peers in the region for years, before the inflaming of strife and the rise of racism transformed Syrians into a political card, tossed between the opposition and the government prior to every entitlement, election, and crisis. The second point is that 3.2 million Syrians in Turkey do not live on aid or assistance; rather, Turkey, for those who do not know, does not provide aid to refugees like European countries do, except for some small amounts to certain families from external assistance funds. Most Syrians in Turkey have contributed and continue to contribute to the real estate boom, boosting the economy and increasing factory productivity, and even Turkish economic leaders have acknowledged that Syrians, who have dominated foreign investments for years, have played an important role in exporting, increasing production, and creating new economic models, whether consumptive or productive.
The last point here is that Turkey has the sovereign right to establish relations with whomever it desires and to restore relations with whomever it wants, based on its interests first, and because politics lacks religion, morality, or stability second. However, I do not believe it is right for Turkey to suppress the opinions of those on its territory or those in liberated areas, demanding they accept what it sees as beneficial, as if they were hostages or numbers.
In conclusion: It is true that the statement issued by 41 Turkish civil society organizations recently provoked racism after they called for the government to deport refugees, repeating the refrain of blaming them for the deteriorating living conditions of Turks and rising prices and the stealing of job opportunities, which escalated hostility and confrontations to the most severe levels. However, it is also correct that this statement is a result or continuation, as the causes have accumulated over the years due to restricting Syrian movements between states, the rise in rental prices, and the closure of areas to them, prohibiting them from residing there, as well as the exploitation of their labor through cheap wages and the utilization of their need, leading to instances of targeting and forced deportation to unsafe areas finally, culminating in years of racism that accompanied and followed parliamentary, presidential, and municipal elections.
In the end: The events that have recently occurred will not pass quietly, whether on the level of the Turkish economy, which will be the first to pay the price, with tourism at its peak during the season, following scenes of the destruction of the shops and properties of Syrians and threats from some racists, or on the level of production and market activity, following the strike of Syrian workers and their fear of leaving their homes... nor even at the societal and economic structure level as a whole, because the ease of aggression and harm without deterrent penalties will not be confined to refugees, guests, or tourists, but will become a mode of interaction that dismantles Turkish society and threatens its cohesion. Therefore, this time, the solution will not be through threats or promises, nor through "patting beards" or compensating the affected or deporting the offenders, but rather through a strict law that criminalizes racism first and protects the rights of Syrians whom Turkey has not recognized as refugees to this day, but treats them according to a special law of "temporary protection," which undermines their rights and keeps them targeting, and through the law, their rights as "migrants" to work, reside, and move must be ensured, even if a normalization deal occurs between Turkey and the Assad regime, because the Turkish and Syrian peoples are bound by geography and historical relations that will not be framed by the measure of any regime or period of rule; otherwise, they will remain a hotspot of events in a time when Ankara seeks zero problems.
