Cockfight in the Kings' Diwan

For the third consecutive time in less than a year, the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, Gibran Bassil, has managed to once again spotlight himself and his actions and positions since President Michel Aoun left the Baabda Palace and the presidential vacuum crisis broke out. The basis of this movement is the certainty that no single party in the broken republic is capable of alone acquiring the parliamentary majority and making decisions independently in the Parliament, nor electing or appointing whom it desires. There is a need for alliances, understandings, and exchanges with others to gather the largest number of votes from deputies, to form a pressure force in order to win or get closer to winning, or to increase pressure and carry out maneuvers.

Each time, as a result of a particular psychological state, when he feels that the political arena is stagnant and the spotlight is far from him, he embarks on a tour of the political forces with two objectives: the first is to assert or hint that he is still actively present on the scene, that he has proposals, and that he is ready to negotiate and exchange on the issues raised. The second objective today, following the exhaustion and near failure of the Pentagonal Committee, and before the region slides into a new phase, is to attempt to register points against the opposing party, particularly against the President of the Lebanese Forces Party, Samir Geagea, after the rise in tension and discord between him and the Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri.

In other words, he presented himself and his bloc as a capable weighing power, one that must be taken into account. This was clarified in his press conference at the end of the tour. He tries to present himself and his bloc as a pivotal intermediary force, a balance point between the parties, or as it is commonly referred to: one of the scales' eggs. Always on the lookout, Bassil seized the opportunity to jump into the spotlight and reap what can be harvested—some concessions and flattery directed at his rival Geagea—by approaching Berri at this moment when his relationship with Geagea is strained. Along the way, he reassembles and distills some satisfaction from Hezbollah, which is irritated by Bassil's criticisms regarding the border issues, which he has previously expressed more than once without finding any party—local or international—to buy or sell towards.

Bassil's anxious haste led him to launch his efforts before the "Democratic Gathering" had concluded its round of meetings with the political forces. It was natural and expected for Bassil to wait for the end of the Democratic Gathering's tour to see its results and build upon them, especially if his efforts were aimed at positivity. However, because of his exaggerated feelings of loneliness and isolation, combined with significant tension, he jumped onto the scene while Taymour Jumblatt was still embarking on his move, tour, and meetings, even though the issue at hand was singular and not dual.

The delegations almost collided at times, obstructing each other's paths due to Bassil's impatience and tension to complete his tour. Although he claimed that his tour was coordinated with the Socialist Party, that did not occur. Bassil exaggerated this time in his "crawl-tuniness" towards Berri, gifting him a set of positions by sidelining the constitution and laws. After having previously accused Berri of thuggery and bullying, this time he put the constitution and principles aside, leaning publicly towards what could be regarded as constitutional and political debauchery, boldly stating, "understanding is more important than election!" Whether by dialogue or consultation, the objective of this innovative folly is to isolate the Lebanese Forces, showing Samir Geagea as the obstacle, the impeder, and the issue in the way of Berri's proposals and the "national duo."

Bassil, who has sabotaged the country and paralyzed several projects to reject legislation in the absence of a president, has sold all his positions saying: "I discussed with Berri the subject of necessary legislation and asked him to hold a special session concerning the laws related to the displaced!" "Ugh," where are the previous positions rejecting legislation amidst the presidential vacuum?!

In fact, the behavior of the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement has never been experienced by anyone among the kings of the Lebanese sects, through practicing and proclaiming extortion, bargaining, and flipping between positions. All of this is in spite of his rival Geagea, who has so far succeeded in appearing as the sole staunch defender of the constitutional provisions, which state that the Parliament is obliged to elect a President of the Republic through continuous rounds according to majority and minority and the democratic parliamentary system.

Ironically, the accusations that Bassil advanced against Geagea—that he continuously operates outside the state and behaves in a militia-like and extortionate manner—he swiftly proved to be the sheikh of political thugs and extortionists, leaving Geagea in the position of defender of the constitution, laws, and constitutional norms as well as institutional order. All of this is out of a desire for the favor of his former rival Nabih Berri, who previously bore the blame of his blessed term’s failure and was accused at the time of being behind the failure to build the state, as he asserted. However, today he did not hesitate in giving him, with unprecedented audacity, a blank approval that understanding is the foundation of success, not the election prescribed by the constitution! He even invented an approach suggesting that the proposed ideas for consultation and movement and dialogue before going down to the council would not become a norm!

All of this was out of spite, boasting, and a hollow maneuver regarding the leadership of the Christian environment and sect. As if parliamentary elections were happening tomorrow while the republic sinks deeper every day into the sands of the expanding, complicated, and raging regional crisis.

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